Archaeology and the Second Empiricism moreForthcoming In F. Herschend, C. Hillerdal and J. Siapkas (eds.) Archaeology into the 2010s. |
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Bruno Latour, Metaphysics, Alfred North Whitehead, Classical Archaeology, Theoretical Archaeology, Empiricism, and Archaeology
Witmore
::
page
1
of
31
Archaeology
and
the
Second
Empiricism
Forthcoming
In
F.
Herschend,
C.
Hillerdal
and
J.
Siapkas
(eds.)
Archaeology
into
the
2010s.
Christopher
Witmore
(Texas
Tech
University)
Introduction
The
challenge
posed
by
the
editors
of
this
volume,
“Archaeologies
into
the
2010s”,
centers
on
whether
the
on-‐going
renegotiation
of
key
features
and
concerns
at
the
heart
of
Archaeology,
Classical
Archaeology
and
Ancient
History
is
connected
with
a
revitalization
of
empiricism,
and
whether
it
is
possible
to
speculate
as
to
which
‘turn’
these
past-‐oriented
disciplines
will
take,
more
broadly.
From
here
the
editors
push
matters
further
with
the
question:
“.
.
.
if
we
are
resurrecting
empiricism,
what
is
the
difference
between
Empiricism
2.0
and
the
familiar
Empiricism
1.0
that
has
shaped
the
humanities
during
modernity?”
This
essay
is
a
response
to
that
question.
Indeed,
what
follows
are
several
propositions
as
to
the
shape
and
character
of
what
might
be
called
the
“second
empiricism”
(Latour
2008
and
2010;
after
James
1912).
The
old
empiricism,
generally
speaking,
was
caught
up
with
a
common
scenario
that
archaeologists
are
seen
to
hold
“the
power
of
voicing
an
(objective)
truth,
a
truth,”
as
Isabelle
Stengers
puts
it
“that
transcends
the
practices
that
produced
it”
(2010,
64).
This
scenario
plays
out
on
post-‐Kantian
grounds
marred
by
those
fatigued
rifts
between
discovery
and
invention,
objectivity
and
subjectivity,
fact
and
manufacture.
Rather
than
beginning
with
two
separate
domains,
with
the
second
empiricism
we
may
now
ask:
why
do
we
have
to
acquiesce
to
making
a
choice?
Could
the
world
not
be
simultaneously
concrete
and
constructed?
Are
there
other
ways
to
strike
upon
experience,
ways
that
do
not
presuppose
a
bifurcated
nature?
It
is
with
respect
to
these
questions
that
I
set
out
three
propositions
related
to
the
second
empiricism.
One:
what
is
given
in
experience
should
not
be
oversimplified
Witmore
::
page
2
of
31
(Latour
2008).
Two:
avoid
the
bifurcation
of
nature.
Three:
data
are
at
once
real
and
artificial.
With
the
first
proposition
we
will
work
through
an
example
of
a
site
documented
by
an
archaeological
survey
in
an
attempt
to
understand
what
we
might
be
attentive
to
in
experience.
The
point,
following
Bruno
Latour,
Isabelle
Stengers,
and
Alfred
North
Whitehead
is
not
to
move
away
from
material
experience,
but
to
draw
it
even
closer
(cf.
Thomas
2004).
With
the
second,
we
shall
discuss
why
what
Whitehead
called
“the
bifurcation
of
nature”
posed
such
a
problem
for
the
first
empiricism
and
how
it
is
avoided
with
the
second.
With
the
final
proposition
we
take
a
closer
look
at
archaeological
notions
of
data
and
the
question
of
translation.
This
essay
will
then
be
drawn
to
a
close
by
underlining
three
points
of
difference
between
the
ordinary
and
second
empiricism.
However,
before
setting
out
on
this
journey
it
is
worth
taking
a
brief
pause
to
address
the
question
broached
in
the
subtitle
of
this
volume;
namely,
is
it
adequate
to
think
of
this
move
as
a
‘turn’
in
the
humanities?
To
witness
how
academic
culture
is
saturated
with
‘new’
directions,
‘new’
turns
one
need
but
consider
a
brief
litany
of
familiar
examples:
the
cognitive
turn
(Fuller
et.
al.
1989),
the
linguistic
turn
(Rorty
1967),
the
interpretive
turn
(Hiley,
Bohman
and
Shusterman
1992;
in
archaeology
see
Thomas
2004),
the
semiotic
turn
(Lenoir
1992),
the
ontological
turn
(Woolgar
et.
al.
2008),
the
postmodern
turn
(Best
and
Kellner
1997),
the
speculative
turn
(Bryant,
Srnicek
and
Harman
2011),
the
turn
after
the
social
turn
(Latour
1992;
also
see
Webmoor
2007).
Grasping
for
the
novel,
probing
for
an
unstated,
unobserved
angle
on
our
matters
of
concern
has
been
a
modus
operandi
for
scholarly
production
for
over
two
hundred
years;
one
need
but
contemplate
the
emergence
of
epistemes
for
Michel
Foucault
(1973)
or
the
shifts
in
paradigms
for
Thomas
Kuhn
(1970).
It
is
Peter
Sloterdijk
who
stated
it
as
a
“trivial
fact
that
kinetics
is
the
ethics
of
modernity”
(2006,
37).
At
best,
this
peculiar
kinetics
of
modernism
results
in
genuine
gains;
gains
marked
by
advancing
toward
collective
goals
and
a
greater
freedom
of
movement
within
the
specified
state
of
affairs.
At
worst,
a
turn
is
quickly
undermined
by
the
low-‐hanging
accusations
of
fashion
and
the
self-‐satisfaction
of
claiming
the
new.
At
Witmore
::
page
3
of
31
that
point,
cynical
reason
casts
suspicion
on
that
latest
turn
as
the
bovine
tactics
of
an
academic
herd
clamoring
for
recognition
among
an
avant-‐garde.
The
conflation
of
morals
and
kinetics
often
results
in
a
false
mobility
and
its
associated
amnesia.
If
the
movement
signaled
by
the
notion
of
a
‘turn’
falls
into
that
logical
scheme
of
contradiction
which
consigns
previous
scholarship,
ideas,
theory
to
the
waste
bin
of
outmoded
labor
then
the
body
of
work
associated
with
it
runs
the
risk
of
forgetting
and,
therefore,
repetition.
With
any
turn,
genuine
gains
should
provide
motivation,
but
to
put
a
spin
on
an
old
adage,
those
ignorant
of
previous
arguments
tend
to
repeat
them.
Deep
intellectual
memory
provides
the
countermeasures
necessary
for
producing
truly
novel
work,
but
turns
do
not
necessarily
lack
this—if
they
do,
such
turns
sooner
or
later
are
undermined
by
returns.
Proposition
One:
What
is
given
in
experience
should
not
be
oversimplified
In
order
to
better
understand
how
there
are
more
ways
to
strike
upon
experience,
let
us
consider
an
example
from
archaeological
landscape
survey
in
Greece.
August
8,
1980,
a
humid
Friday
morning.
Six
members
of
a
survey
team
(the
“Red
Team”)
associated
with
the
Argolid
Exploration
Project
(AEP)
sweep
along
the
northern
edge
of
the
Porto
Kheli
–
Kosta
road
adjacent
to
the
Metokhi
Coast
(Figure
1).
After
three
passes
through
a
field
of
“matted
down
grasses”
and
“low
pistachio
bushes”
they
come
upon
a
site
“highlighted
by
a
foundation
partially
hidden
by
these
pistachio
bushes”.
They
labor
briefly
to
map
what
amounts
to
4
intersecting
lines
of
19
worked
limestone
blocks
and
the
associated
scatter.
The
team
collects
8
sample
bags
of
ceramic
sherds,
tiles
and
other
material
before
they
move
on.1
August
15,
2003,
a
hot
Friday
afternoon.
Video
camera
in
hand,
I
walk
east,
uphill
across
the
area
covered
a
week
plus
23
years
earlier
by
the
“Red
Team”.
Following
a
zigzagging
pattern,
I
attempt
to
avoid
patches
of
thistles,
which
now
cover
large
1
These
details
are
extracted
from
the
1980
AEP
Red
Team
field
notebooks,
which
are
currently
housed
in
the
Metamedia
Lab
in
the
Stanford
Archaeology
Center.
Witmore
::
page
4
of
31
portions
of
a
once
fallow
cereal
field—I
note
no
pistachio
bushes.
My
goal
in
this
undertaking
is
to
relocate
what
the
AEP
has
catalogued
as
“A51.
Metokhi
tower.”
As
I
proceed
toward
a
long
stonewall
marking
out
the
boundary
of
a
new
estate,
I
happen
upon
a
series
of
limestone
blocks.
Traces
suggest
that
recent
bulldozer
activity
has
covered
the
northern
wall
of
the
former
structure
and
potentially
dislodged
a
block
from
the
southeast
corner.
The
unpaved
road,
which
provides
access
to
this
fenced
estate
cuts
across
the
western
portion
of
the
tower.
A
small
wash
rill
indicates
that
water
is
beginning
to
slice
through
the
western
line
of
stones
(Figure
2).
This
‘site’
sits
in
a
plot
that
is
now
clearly
marked
“ΠΩΛΕΙΤΑΙ”
–
“for
sale”
(Figure
3).
Jameson,
Runnels
and
van
Andel
1994,
page
431.
One
of
328
sites
generated
out
of
the
Argolid
Exploration
Project,2
“A51”
is
interpreted
as
a
potential
“farmstead”
dating
to
the
Classical-‐Hellenistic
period.
For
the
AEP,
the
term
“farmstead”
refers
to:
“Dwellings
assumed
to
be
inhabited
for
some
part
of
the
year
by
some
members
of
a
household.
Consistently
smaller
than
other
categories
of
presumed
settlements
(often
less
than
2.0
ha
in
size),
sometimes
with
evidence
of
a
rectangular
structure
or
a
tower,
roof
tiles,
a
full
range
of
“domestic”
artifacts
(including,
in
the
Classical
period,
lamps,
oil
press
beds
or
weights,
coins,
other
metal
objects),
and
other
habitational
features
such
as
storage
pits
or
cisterns”
(Jameson,
Runnels
and
van
Andel
1994,
249).
The
designation
of
Classical-‐Hellenistic
rests
on
37
fragments
of
diagnostic
ceramics
including
“a
variety
of
black-‐glazed
fine
wares,
domestic
coarse
wares,
pithoi,
and
many
2
The
AEP
defined
the
term
‘site’
in
the
following
manner:
“Sites,
if
we
mean
by
that
term
places
of
habitation
and
special-‐purpose
activities
(e.g.,
animal
folds,
storage
buildings),
are
identifiable,
at
least
in
Greece,
as
specific
places
in
the
countryside…
Our
working
definition
of
a
site
was
‘any
location
with
ancient
features
such
as
architectural
remains,
or
a
concentration
of
cultural
materials,
e.g.,
artifacts,
ecofacts,
or
manuports,
could
be
identified,
having
a
recognizable
boundary’
(see
also
Plog
et.
al.,
1978)…
The
term
‘site’
is
thus
nothing
more
than
a
convenient
way
to
designate
a
locality
where
cultural
materials
were
found,
apparently
belonging
together.
Thus
a
grave
only
a
few
square
meters
in
area
was
called
a
site,
just
as
was
a
walled
settlement
many
hectares
in
extent.
Our
definition
of
site
included
isolated
features,
such
as
a
well
or
an
inscription,
but
was
intended
to
exclude
materials
deposited
or
distributed
solely
by
natural
processes”
(Jameson,
Runnels,
and
van
Andel
1994,
221).
Witmore
::
page
5
of
31
amphoras”
(Ibid.
431).
Ceramics
also
suggest
subsequent
activity
in
the
Late
Roman
period.
Choose
any
of
these
three
topoi
and
one
encounters
a
slightly
different
‘site’.
August
8,
1980,
a
group
of
archaeologists
work
on
this
location
just
as
they
would
have
with
any
other,
except
that
day
the
narrator
claimed
to
be
more
lethargic
than
normal,
following
a
number
of
redundant
protocols
in
order
to
further
clarify
what
for
them
was
a
remnant
foundation
of
limestone
in
the
midst
of
stubble
field,
thinly
covered
in
sherds
and
pistachio
bushes.
Page
431
of
Jameson,
Runnels
and
van
Andel
stands
out
as
the
end
of
the
long
series
of
transformations
across
which
a
few
lines
of
intersecting
limestone
and
an
associated
scatter
of
ceramics
(a
relationship
which
is
largely
assumed
en
lieu
of
excavation)
in
the
Greek
countryside
gain
competency
as
the
former
walls
of
a
tower
associated
with
what
is
possibly
a
Classical-‐Hellenistic
farm.
From
here,
August
15,
2003
represents
an
even
more
unlikely
situation
with
a
graduate
student
who
revisits
“A51”
as
part
of
a
project
to
retroactively
verify
work
which
took
place
more
than
two
decades
earlier.
Because
of
this
‘return’
we
now
know
that
at
some
point
in
the
intervening
decades
a
fallow
cereal
field
is
sold,
a
new
estate
is
built,
the
line
of
unpaved
access
road
covers
some
of
the
stones
and
a
bulldozer
enrolled
in
leveling
the
encompassing
plot
of
land
leaves
its
marks
upon
the
area.
Since
the
publication
of
the
Argolid
Exploration
Project
this
remnant
structure
has
also
gained
in
strength
as
part
of
a
wider
network
of
heterogeneous
entities.
Though
not
protected
by
archaeological
zoning
as
of
2010,
a
few
lines
of
former
walls
now
have
a
greater
potential
to
be
connected
with
Greek
notions
of
heritage,
construction
permit
regulations3,
and
personnel
in
the
4th
Ephorate
of
Prehistoric
and
Classical
Antiquities
in
Nafplion.
Indeed,
it
is
this
motley
ensemble
of
relations
that
(has
the
potential
to)
strengthen
what
were
formerly
a
few
lines
of
stone
in
a
fallow
field
against
the
work
of
a
developer-‐with-‐bulldozer.
Rather
than
regard
this
as
the
same
site
3
These
laws
play
a
large
part
in
the
pervasive
activity
of
‘informal’
construction
in
Greece
(see
Potsiou
and
Ioannidis
2006).
Witmore
::
page
6
of
31
that
acquires
further
definition,
we
witness
an
on-‐going
series
of
transformations.
One
encounters
something
in
perpetual
formation
rather
than
fully
formed;
one
comes
upon
something
constantly
in
the
making
rather
than
ready-‐made
(James
[1907]
1975).
Still,
this
doesn’t
press
matters
far
enough
with
the
second
empiricism.
How
“A51”
emerges
is
part
of
what
it
is.
And
this
process
is
caught
up
within
an
idiosyncratic
web
of
archaeological
relations.
The
second
empiricism
recognizes
how
there
are
numerous
separate
spheres
of
relation
and
events
running
both
simultaneously
and
successively;
each
is
equally
real
as
far
as
they
go.
Residents
and
visitors
associated
with
the
adjacent
estate
experience
the
worked
limestone
remains
as
no
more
than
a
jolt
of
their
vehicle
as
they
move
over
a
bump
in
the
surface
of
a
private
road.
Here
we
encounter
a
very
different
outcome
from
that
co-‐produced
by
the
AEP
whereby
the
western
lines
of
stone
are
further
polished
by
tires,
and
both
tires
and
suspension
are
further
worn
as
a
result.
Equally,
one
cannot
deny
other
nonhuman
relations—a
rill
of
water
interprets
the
site
as
much
as
a
survey
archaeologist
does—a
matter
of
importance
that
we
will
pick
up
below.
For
now,
it
is
to
be
underlined
how
it
is
not
the
lot
of
the
second
empiricism
to
discriminate
against
relations
that
do
not
involve
human
actors.
Many
more
things
come
into
play.
Equally,
it
may
be
a
fact
that
the
single-‐course,
remnants
of
a
limestone
foundation,
is
a
former
feature
of
a
Classical
to
Hellenistic
farmstead,
but
it
is
also
many
other
things,
many
other
locales,
in
addition.
For
archaeologists,
this
foundation,
after
a
long
process
of
study,
comes
to
be
defined
as
the
remains
of
a
Classical-‐Hellenistic
farmstead.
For
potential
landowners,
a
pile
of
stones,
strengthened
within
a
system
of
legislation
for
archaeological
site
in
Greece,
becomes
an
obstacle
to
the
further
development
of
land
for
a
potential
estate
and
its
sale.
For
car
suspensions,
the
stones
become
a
bump
in
an
unpaved
road
surface.
A
site
adjacent
to
the
Metochi
Coast
is
many
because
the
reality
of
a
series
of
limestone
blocks
is
not
indifferent
to
relations
with
survey
archaeologists,
bags
of
collected
ceramics,
draft
paper,
a
tome
published
in
1994,
graduate
students,
personnel
employed
by
the
Greek
Ministry
of
Culture,
or
rainstorms.
Witmore
::
page
7
of
31
For
many
archaeologists,
such
minutiae
might
appear
to
bear
very
little
relevance
to
questions
of
archaeological
concern.
Yet
if
what
is
given
in
experience
should
not
be
oversimplified
then
we
can
no
longer
be
indifferent
to
all
these
realities— realities
constituted
at
the
nexus
of
different
webs
of
relation—in
how
we
document
a
site
such
as
“A51”.
Beyond
questions
of
empirical
adequacy,
being
attentive
to
other
realities
leaves
room
for
unanticipated
questions
of
the
information
worlds
generated
through
archaeological
practice
(Witmore
2009).
Moreover,
could
deploying
what
was
formerly
rendered
as
a
single
site
in
the
plural
not
generate
a
more
realist
perspective?
To
assert
otherwise
would
led
us
right
back
to
a
situation
where
one
maintains
a
more
privileged
position
in
claiming
what
the
real
world
is
really
like.
In
order
to
understand
the
things
archaeologists
deem
to
be
of
the
past
as
uncertain,
convoluted,
and
plural,
the
second
empiricism
avoids
the
bifurcation
of
nature
into
social
multiplicity,
on
the
one
hand,
and
natural
unity,
on
the
other.
This
brings
us
to
the
second
proposition.
Proposition
Two:
Avoid
the
bifurcation
Knowledge
comes
from
experience
and
what
grounds
this
ultimate
doctrine
of
empiricism
is
that
one
cannot
know
certain
problems
such
as
“what
is
red
by
merely
thinking
of
redness”
([1929]
1978,
256).
As
Whitehead
puts
in
Process
and
Reality,
one
“can
only
find
red
things
by
adventuring
amid
physical
experiences
in
this
actual
world”
(Ibid.).
Within
the
tradition
of
British
Empiricism,
and
particularly
the
work
of
John
Locke
(2008),
sensation
and
reflection
constitute
the
basic
ingredients
of
our
common
knowledge.
Situated
with
respect
to
objects,
these
ingredients
could
be
distinguished
in
terms
of
primary
and
secondary
qualities.
So-‐called
primary
qualities
are
those
supplied
by
nature,
which
an
object
possesses
independent
of
human
beings
(or
for
that
matter
other
objects).
Mass,
shape,
size,
texture,
motion:
these
qualities
are
those
held
to
be
subject
to
geometrical
proof—length,
width,
height,
weight,
density
and
so
forth.
Alleged
secondary
qualities
were
those
supplied
by
the
human
mind
in
the
interaction
Witmore
::
page
8
of
31
with
an
object.
Primary
and
secondary
qualities
delimit
“what
is
in
the
mind”
from
“what
is
in
nature”
and
these
two
domains
form
the
obligatory
bases
for
what
William
James
called
the
“ordinary
empiricism”
(1912).
Recognizing
objects
as
discrete,
the
ordinary
empiricism
favored
‘separation’
at
the
expense
of
‘conjunction’
(1912,
42-‐44).
For
Locke,
initial
experience
involved
‘sense-‐ data’
and
the
mind
would
subsequently
enter
to
supply
relations.
Thus
goes
the
old
empiricist
motto:
nihil
in
intellectu
quod
non
prius
in
sensu—“there
is
nothing
in
the
mind
that
was
not
first
in
the
senses”.
Of
course,
this
distinction
between
what
is
in
the
senses
and
what
is
in
the
mind
belongs
now
to
an
outmoded
philosophical
past.
Notwithstanding,
the
sensible,
as
Quentin
Meillassoux
has
expressed
so
clearly,
exists
as
a
relation
between
the
observer
and
object
observed
(2008).
These
sensible
relations
correspond
to
what
are
traditionally
understood
as
secondary
qualities,
while
those
qualities
regarded
as
inseparable
from
the
object
denote
primary.
For
Whitehead,
this
separation
of
the
subjective
and
objective
was
a
presumption
that
bifurcated
nature
into
two,
“the
nature
apprehended
in
awareness
and
the
nature
which
is
the
cause
of
awareness”
(2006,
16).
Within
archaeology
it
is
quite
common
to
conflate
the
bifurcation
of
nature
with
fundamental
attributes
of
experience,
whether
labeled
in
terms
of
interpretation
and
data,
mental
judgment
and
sensory
impressions,
theory
and
practice,
present
and
past,
or
words
and
the
world.
Consider
how
Matthew
Johnson
defines
empiricism
in
“its
more
sophisticated
form”
as
resting
on
“a
conceptual
division
between
‘things’
or
‘the
real
world’
on
the
one
hand,
‘words’
or
‘concepts’
on
the
other,
and
the
prioritization
of
the
former”
(2010,
239,
my
emphasis).
To
avoid
bifurcation,
however,
is
not
to
simply
write
off
one
side
at
the
expense
of
the
other;
rather
it
is
to
give
both
sides
back
to
a
nature
undivided.
One
must
refuse
to
regard
perceptions
as
distinct
from
reality.
Both
the
brown
of
the
soil
and
the
chemical
composition
of
the
organic
materials
contained
therein
are
in
the
same
boat
–
one
cannot
pick
and
choose
(Whitehead
2006,
44;
in
archaeology
see,
for
example,
Tilley
2004,
10-‐12;
Witmore
2006).
James
stated
the
point
thusly:
“the
parts
of
experience
hold
together
from
next
to
next
by
relations
that
are
Witmore
::
page
9
of
31
themselves
parts
of
experience”
(James
[1907]
1978,
173).
To
put
it
yet
another
way,
the
observer
is
never
separate
from
that
which
is
observed,
because,
as
Steven
Shaviro
puts
it,
“they
are
both
present
in
the
world
in
the
same
manner”
(2009,
27).
There
is
more
to
these
considerations
in
the
case
of
archaeology,
which
I
will
return
to
shortly.
For
now
let
it
suffice
to
say
that
to
accept
these
bifurcations
as
starting
points
to
be
transcended,
is
not
to
take
leave
of
the
problem.
To
regard
concepts
and
things
as
equipollent
is
a
hyperbolic
act
of
hubris,
even
abuse.
This
is,
on
the
one
hand,
because
consciousness
was
far
too
diaphanous
(transparent
and
flimsy),
as
James
puts
it,
to
take
a
place
among
first
principles
set
in
contrast
to
the
totality
of
the
material
world
(1912,
29)
and,
on
the
other,
because
this
drama
grants
central
privilege
to
that
relationship
between
humans
and
world—more
of
the
latter
will
be
said
below.
With
regard
to
the
former,
a
purified
notion
of
consciousness
bears
no
correlate
in
reality
as
an
entity;
for
James,
to
speak
of
consciousness
was
to
add
more
than
what
is
given
in
experience.4
As
a
matter
of
contrast,
we
might
consider
how
cognitive
scientists,
for
example,
now
routinely
situate
those
powers
of
the
mind,
formerly
held
to
operate
internally
and
free
of
the
material
world,
as
integral
to
a
more
‘distributed
consciousness’;
one
that
operates
in
exchange
with
flat
projections,
texts,
instruments,
groups
of
interlocutors
and
legions
of
other
entities
(Hutchins
1995;
in
archaeology
see
Malafouris
2004
and
2008).
Meanwhile,
the
ordinary
empiricism
tends
toward
a
reality
made
up
of
objects
that
lacked
any
transformative
imprint
from
relations.
Relations,
as
alleged
secondary
qualities,
wasted
over
the
deeper
substance
of
entities
(Witmore
forthcoming).
Whitehead
famously
remarked
that
if
we
desire
a
record
of
experience
devoid
of
interpretation,
then
it
is
just
as
well
to
ask
a
stone
to
record
its
autobiography
([1929]
1978,
15).
A
corollary
to
an
ordinary
empiricism
with
its
bifurcated
nature
is
‘conceptualism’
where
‘universals’
are
mind-‐made
(Quine
1980,
14;
also
see
Davidson
4
One
should
acknowledge
that
James’s
solution
never
takes
leave
of
the
problem
in
the
way
Whitehead
does.
Witmore
::
page
10
of
31
2001).
This
partitioning
has
left
its
mark
on
those
now
stale
debates
which
turn
over
distinctions
between
universals
and
particulars.
But
this
transcendence
of
neutral
statements
beyond
nature
occurs
at
the
expense
of
the
scaffolding
of
rooms,
tables,
file-‐folders,
archives,
computers,
media,
and
the
associated
‘ecology
of
practices’
that
give
rise
to
and
sustain
so-‐called
‘universals’
(Olsen,
Shanks,
Webmoor
and
Witmore
2012).
Indeed,
if
we
desire
to
transfer
notions
of
what
we
deem
methodologically
adequate
from
the
Basin
of
Mexico
to
the
Southern
Argolid
in
Greece
without
any
other
mediators,
then
we
would
never
really
get
much
farther
than
the
valley
edge
at
the
base
of
Cerro
Tláloc
(pace
Blanton
et
al.
1996).
For
one
to
maintain
a
‘view
from
nowhere’
(Nagel
1986)
is
to
sort
out
the
world
in
advance
of
putting
in
the
requisite
work
to
better
understand
it.5
We
will
return
to
this
issue
below
for
it
has
bearing
upon
numerous
debates
within
the
profession
(e.g.
Alcock
and
Cherry
2012;
Blanton
2001).
In
a
few
words,
just
as
there
can
be
no
experience
devoid
of
interpretation,
there
can
be
no
universals
detached
from
localized
practices
of
classification,
metrology
and
standardization
(Bowker
2005;
Callon
1998;
Daston
2000).
Indeed,
those
properties
that
can
be
measured
have
as
much
to
do
with
relations,
whether
they
are
with
a
theodolite
or
perspective
space,
as
they
do
with
the
definitive
attributes
of
the
thing.
Relations
among
archaeologists,
planning
frames,
measuring
tapes,
and
context
sheets
along
with
computers,
archives
and
institutions
are
part
of
the
co-‐emergence
of
any
material
past
(this
term
‘co-‐emergence’
will
become
clearer
shortly).
These
components
are
far
too
diverse
to
be
boiled
down
to
two
domains
alone—succinctly,
what
are
the
definitive
attributes
of
a
thing
and
what
is
supposedly
added
to
this
reality
through
sensation.
And
yet
this
old
Kantian
drama
privileges
the
coddled
twofold
of
humans
and
the
world
(Harman
2009,
67-‐68),
thus
leaving
behind
those
dealings
between
sheep,
green
grass
and
stone
enclosures,
car
tires,
suspensions
and
worn
5
We
may
for
the
sake
of
comparison
consider
Tim
Ingold’s
important
discussion
of
the
hylomorphic
model
of
creation
where
form
(humans)
is
(are)
assumed
to
be
one
kind
of
entity
that
can
be
imposed
upon
matter
(nature),
another
kind
of
entity
which
is
taken
to
be
ostensibly
separate
from
the
former
(2010).
Witmore
::
page
11
of
31
limestone
blocks,
or
a
total
station,
grid
paper
and
a
reference
marking
out
the
location
of
a
denarius
of
Otho
dating
to
69
CE.
Sitting
out
the
game
on
the
sidelines
such
relations
were
not
even
of
secondary
importance
for
the
British
empiricist
John
Locke
who
referred
to
them
as
tertiary
properties—interactions
between
sun
and
wax
were
third
string
(2008).
One
finds
this
hierarchy
of
value
to
be
pervasive
within
archaeology
(Olsen
2006).
Let
us
consider
this
point
further.
With
hermeneutic
considerations
in
archaeology,
for
example,
interpretation
is
locked
in
a
dialectical
dance
between
the
interpreter
(always
human)
and
the
‘context’
of
the
object
considered
(cf.
Hodder
and
Hudson
2003,
195-‐203).
This
sophisticated
tradition,
which
has
pushed
such
considerations
to
the
trowels
edge
(Hodder
1999),
has
nevertheless
missed
legions
of
rapports
between
strings
and
baulks,
theodolites
and
maps,
sieves
and
sherds.
With
phenomenological
archaeologies,
similarly,
privilege
is
granted
to
human
access
to
the
world
(cf.
Barrett
and
Ko
2009)
while
relations
between
nonhumans
are
consigned
to
the
natural
sciences
(cf.
Tilley
2004).
Phenomenology
brackets
the
world
as
presented
to
human
consciousness.
Phenomena,
those
things
reduced
to
that
which
is
brought
to
light,
the
stuff
that
is
apparent,
rest
upon
the
correlation
between
things-‐in-‐themselves
and
categories
of
human
understanding
(see
Harman
2009,
124-‐134;
and
Meillassoux
2008).
Relations,
however,
are
a
problem
for
all
entities;
trowels
can
be
said
to
‘interpret’
loose
silt
among
cobbles
as
much
as
any
hermeneut;
the
soil
encasing
a
menhir
‘feels’,
‘touches’
or
‘experiences’
the
standing
megalith
as
well
as
any
archaeologist.
One
could
describe
the
differences
of
relations
between
various
entities
in
terms
of
degree,
but
not
kind.
Why
deny
these
nonhuman
relations
subjectivity?
This
democratic
openness
to
the
mediating
potential
of
all
entities,
this
flat
ontology,
undermines
any
identification
of
primary
and
secondary
qualities
with
a
bifurcation
of
nature
into
the
material
world
and
human
beings.
It
is,
indeed,
Whitehead
who
gives
back
to
experience
what
is
held
to
be
exceptional
about
humans.
This
realization
strikes
against
the
bow
of
correlationism,
the
doctrine
that
holds
that
primal
rapport
between
humans
and
the
physical
world
as
co-‐originary
(see
Witmore
::
page
12
of
31
Meillassoux
2008;
in
archaeology,
refer
to
Lucas
2012).
In
his
discussion
of
correlationism,
Graham
Harman
underlines
how
“for
the
correlationist,
not
only
are
there
no
independent
states
of
affairs
apart
from
the
primal
rapport,
but
a
human
observer
must
also
be
one
of
the
two
ingredients
of
this
rapport”
(2009,
124).
Thus
we
encounter
correlationist
tendencies
in
the
common
denunciation
of
that
old
mantra
‘things
speak
for
themselves’.
To
believe
that
things
can
speak,
as
Shannon
Dawdy
maintains
(2010,
778),
is
delusional.
Artifacts,
for
Dawdy,
“may
have
a
type
of
agency,
but
it
is
largely
a
situated
and
historical
agency
created
by
human
habitus”
(Ibid).
Beyond
an
implicit
expectation
that
things
should
‘speak’
in
the
way
of
humans,6
there
is
a
belief
that
humans
need
to
be
there
to
observe
the
rapports
between
levees
and
water,
cars
and
mud.
But
recall
how
a
rill
of
water
and
lines
of
stone
mutually
articulate
each
other
in
ways
that
should
not
be
regarded
as
mere
background
interactions
to
verbal
statements.
They
do
not
require
that
monopoly
of
‘human
habitus’,
in
order
to
mutually
constitute
each
other.
To
be
sure,
“A51”
is
co-‐produced
by
the
heterogeneous
alliances
that
comprise
the
AEP,
but
this
is
not
to
say
that
lines
of
stones
where
not
being
realized
by
numerous
agencies
prior
to
their
purported
‘discovery’
by
the
Red
Team
on
that
humid
summer
morning
in
1980.
Succinctly,
a
revitalized
empiricism
does
not
take
leave
of
the
term
‘empiricism’.
We
are,
to
be
sure,
justified
in
the
maintained
use
of
the
term
by
its
oldest
of
etymological
roots
in
the
Greek
term
empeiria,
which
is
concisely
translated
as
experience.
A
slogan,
then,
of
the
second
empiricism
is
to
“move
closer
to
experience”.
Again,
a
main
hinge
between
the
ordinary
empiricism
and
its
successor
is
not
to
regard
the
bifurcation
of
nature
as
a
starting
point—a
move
which
any
dialectical,
transcendent
solution
would
champion
(Webmoor
and
Witmore
2008).
The
dialectics
where
progress
6
Bjørnar
Olsen
cleverly
plays
upon
this
expectation
of
speech
on
the
part
of
things:
“If
things
were
invested
with
the
ability
to
use
ordinary
language
they
would
.
.
.
talk
to
us
in
ways
very
banal,
but
also
very
imperative
and
effective:
walk
here,
turn,
bow,
lie
down,
gather,
depart,
etc.”(2006,
97).
Underlining
the
difference
in
how
people
get
on
with
things
in
ways
irreducible
to
linguistic
play,
Olsen
draws
out
the
banality
of
such
an
expectation.
Witmore
::
page
13
of
31
occurs
through
contradiction,
to
be
sure,
has
not
put
these
issues
definitively
behind
us,
because
it
accepts
a
given
opposition,
what
it
wishes
to
leave
behind,
as
a
starting
point
and
this
occurs
over
and
over
and
over
again.
The
second
empiricism,
by
contrast,
acknowledges
the
status
of
such
rifts
as
one
of
many
possible
outcomes
in
our
attempts
to
strike
upon
“what
we
should
be
attentive
to
in
experience”
(Latour
2005,
111).
What
then
is
missing
from
the
discussion
thus
far
is
a
consideration
of
how
archaeologists
can
nonetheless
package
the
material
world
into
two
dimensions.
In
other
words
how
can
‘representation’
occur
in
the
second
empiricism?
Indeed,
one
of
the
primary
faults
of
the
empiricism
discussed
by
archaeologists
is
to
be
found
in
how
poorly
it
represented
the
material
world.
While
it
was
certainly
not
the
case
that
this
empiricism,
exemplified
in
the
diverse
work
of
Lewis
Binford
or
David
Clarke,
failed
to
recognize
the
practical
constraints
of
making
contemporary
observations
regarding
material
things,
it
was,
nonetheless,
overly
reductive
in
its
rendering
of
experience
and
this
was
due
to
a
form
of
representation
centered
upon
things
of
the
material
world
as
matters
of
fact.
Let
us
now
turn
to
the
third
proposition.
Proposition
Three:
Data
are
simultaneously
real
and
artificial
Establishing
ground
for
this
third
proposition
requires
us
to
first
ask:
what
are
data?
Here,
consider
two
definitions
of
data
in
archaeology.
Data
are,
as
Lewis
Binford
maintains,
“the
representation
of
facts
by
some
relatively
permanent
conviction
of
documentation”
(1987,
392;
my
emphasis).
Facts,
for
Binford,
refer
“to
aspects
of
the
actual
occurrence
of
an
event”
(Ibid.).
Quite
astutely,
Binford
recognized
that
archaeological
facts
are
never
historical
facts
(past
events),
but
are
always
contemporary
observational
events.
Indeed,
archaeological
‘facts’
are,
in
the
words
of
David
Clarke,
“observations
in
which
the
nature
of
the
observer
and
his
intentions
play
a
Witmore
::
page
14
of
31
large
part
in
which
‘facts’
are
observed
and
recorded”
(1978,
19).7
According
to
Binford,
the
responsibility
for
a
faithful
portrayal
rests
with
the
archaeologist
who
must
“seek
out
experiences
as
widely
as
possible
in
order
to
provide
reality
checks
on
the
accuracy
and
utility
of
his
ideas”
(1987,
403).
The
archaeologist
is
accountable,
and
it
should
be
added,
that
these
matters
of
fact
are
subject
to
modification
through
future
experience
(cf.
James
1912;
also
Wylie
2002).
Facts
could
be
built
upon
facts.
In
a
shift
away
from
questions
of
fact,
Ian
Hodder
defines
data
“as
a
set
of
dynamic,
dialectical,
unstable
relations
between
objects,
contexts
and
interpretation”
(1999,
84).
For
Hodder,
“interpretation
is
involved
in
the
construction
of
data”
and,
as
such,
excavation
is
justly
regarded
as
a
highly
skilled
activity
(1999,
102-‐03;
also
refer
to
Berggren
and
Hodder
2003;
Hodder
1984;
Lucas
2001).
Here,
emphasis
is
placed
upon
the
steel
edge
in
excavation
and
interpretations
are
debated
among
various
specialists—excavators,
ceramic,
faunal,
lithic
or
micromorphological
specialists,
and
so
forth—in
the
trenches.
But
that
is
not
all.
More
groups
have
a
stake.
Because,
as
Hodder
puts
it,
interpretations
impact
data,
attempts
must
be
made
to
involve
more
stakeholder
groups
on
the
ground
(Hodder
2000).
While
neither
of
these
understandings
of
data
can
be
boiled
down
to
a
complacent
acceptance
of
the
kind
of
neutral,
dispassionate
statement
that
comes
from
nowhere
(Stengers
2008,
92),
both
can
be
said
to
rest
upon
the
‘bifurcation
of
nature’
discussed
in
the
previous
section
where
hard,
objective,
‘primary’
qualities
are
separate
from
those
soft,
sensuous,
‘secondary’
qualities
that
are
supplied
by
a
human
subject.
7
To
be
sure,
as
Alison
Wylie
(2002)
has
so
effectively
demonstrated,
we
may
well
find
comparable,
antecedent
considerations
within
archaeology
in
the
work
of
Clyde
Kluckholm
(1939,
1940)
or
John
W.
Bennett
(1943,
1946).
Arguing
against
a
kind
of
“narrow
empiricism”
where
sensory
facts
were
given
priority
over
theory
both
Bennett
and
Kluckholm
acknowledged
the
importance
of
theory
in
conditioning
facts
(Wylie
2002,
32).
The
very
presence
of
the
return
to
similar
debates
signals
not
only
the
problem
with
regarding
this
bifurcation
as
a
starting
point
(Webmoor
and
Witmore
2008)
but
also
that
we
have
not
yet
moved
close
enough
to
experience!
Admittedly,
such
careful
genealogical
considerations
are
outside
the
scope
of
this
essay.
Witmore
::
page
15
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31
As
specified
with
propositions
one
and
two,
we
run
afoul
of
our
objects
when
we
seek
to
split
them
into
such
portions
or,
indeed,
begin
as
if
they
once
were.
Though
it
was
savvy
to
the
impact
of
the
archaeologist,
the
brand
of
empiricism
articulated
by
Binford
and
Clarke
ultimately
reduced
objects
to
archaeological
facts— facts
they
may
be,
but
as
we
saw
with
the
example
of
“A51”
they
are
also
a
lot
of
other
things
besides
(Latour
2005b,
21).
With
the
form
of
interpretivism
expounded
by
Hodder
we
are
presented
with
a
dialectical
dance,
which
builds
upon
a
radical
separation
entirely
of
our
own
making
(Webmoor
and
Witmore
2008).
For
Hodder,
data
are
both
objective
and
subjective
(1999).
This
scheme
of
‘guarded
objectivity’
would
be
perfectly
fine
were
it
not
for
the
precarious
and
disorienting
position
we
must
now
occupy
between
two
non-‐existing
poles
of
a
world
torn
asunder.
Pulled
in
two
directions,
one
must
now
become
socially
constructivist
with
reference
to
the
materials
and
realist
with
reference
to
the
‘social’
at
the
same
time
(also
consider
Hodder
and
Hudson
2003,
241-‐242).
For
the
second
empiricism,
both
ways
of
representing
data—an
ordinary
empiricism
where
the
real
is
conflated
with
actual
facts
and
a
dialectical
interpretivism
that
begins
with/builds
upon
a
bifurcated
world—are
untenable.
The
past
is
not
discovered;
rather
it
is
produced
(a
point
that
will
be
qualified
shortly)
in
the
present
by
working
with
what
is
left
behind—this
was
somewhat
of
a
credo
for
Michael
Shanks
and
Christopher
Tilley
(1992;
echoed
for
example
in
Hingley
2005).
For
Shanks
and
Tilley,
facts
can
be
separated
neither
from
value,
nor
from
concepts,
nor
from
theory.
Facts,
returning
to
their
etymological
roots,
must
be
fabricated,
and
in
this,
theory
can
never
be
divorced
from
practice
(Shanks
and
McGuire
1996).
To
put
it
another
way,
archaeologists
are
never
wholly
separate
from
the
material
pasts
they
co-‐produce;
there
is
no
neutral
view
from
elsewhere;
there
is
no
static
record.
Here
the
term
‘co-‐production’
speaks
to
the
wider
ecology
of
participants
that
take
part
in
the
manifestation
of
the
material
past
(Witmore
2004;
Olsen,
Shanks,
Webmoor
and
Witmore
2012).
The
chain
of
transformation
between
the
trowel’s
edge
and
the
final
document
is
thick
with
moments
whereby
archaeologists,
trowels,
gridded
paper
and
string
swap
Witmore
::
page
16
of
31
properties
with
things
deemed
to
be
of
the
material
past.
Even
the
basic
question
of
whether
a
dark
soil-‐encrusted
lump
is
ceramic
or
stone
leads
to
a
gauntlet
of
tests
at
the
site
of
Roman
Binchester
in
County
Durham,
UK.
Through
a
series
of
steps—the
texture
of
the
surface,
the
sound
made
by
the
tap
of
a
trowel,
the
moist
imprint
left
after
a
bite
of
the
teeth—an
undetermined
lump
acquires
further
definition
as
either
a
sherd
of
Roman
grey
ware
or
a
bit
of
sandstone.
If
relations
must
be
understood
to
take
part
in
the
compositional
reality
of
archaeological
entities,
then
these
entities
cannot
move
as
pure
forms
from
place
to
place.
Every
new
relation
has
the
potential
to
transform
an
entity
in
some
small
way,
but
we
should
not
jump
to
any
conclusions
that
relations
exhaust
what
entities
hold
in
reserve
(Lucas
2012;
Olsen
2010).
Likewise,
what
provides
the
grounds
for
any
record—texts,
maps,
photographs,
archived
artifacts—are
also
moving
and
continually
transforming
within
new
fields
of
relation.
Records
do
not
take
flight
from
the
reality
of
the
world
and
this
was
something
positivists
failed
to
realize.
Should
you
ever
do
so,
you
will
never
read
the
same
report
in
the
precisely
same
way
twice
(see
Olsen
2005
and
2010
for
a
discussion
of
this
point
in
relation
to
poststructuralism).
It
is
worth
taking
a
brief
moment
here
to
consider
how
knowledge
too
is
caught
up
in
an
ongoing
process
of
formation
and
therefore
requires
on-‐going
work
to
maintain.
Any
historical
text,
for
example,
is
also
comprised
of
archives,
institutions,
administrative
personnel,
curators,
ordered
shelves,
air
conditioning,
organizational
standards,
databases,
not
to
mention
the
long
chains
of
articulation,
selection,
filtering,
acquisition,
and
so
on
that
gave
rise
to
that
text
(see
discussion
in
Austlander
et.al.
2009).
While
most
archaeologists
recognize
that
the
old
positivist
mantra
of
adding
another
brick
to
the
edifice
of
knowledge
related
to
an
image
of
generating
evermore
accurate
copies
of
the
material
world
no
longer
holds
(consider
the
longstanding
rationale
of
Classical
Archaeology
in
terms
of
accumulation,
as
it
has
been
discussed
by
Morris
2000;
also
Siapkas
2001),
few
have
grasped
the
full
implication
of
what
remains.
Whenever
we
attempt
to
manifest
a
fragment
of
Roman
grey
ware
in
two
dimensions
something
of
the
manner
of
its
reality
is
lost
and
something
of
the
manner
Witmore
::
page
17
of
31
of
its
reality
is
gained
(Latour
1999).
The
reality
of
the
sherd
can
neither
be
fully
encapsulated
in
a
field
notebook
nor
in
an
image
in
a
database.
Circulating
relevant
qualities
of
this
bit
of
ceramic
requires
the
work
of
translation,
which
occurs
across
a
series
of
steps,
a
series
of
many
small
gaps
(Latour
2005).
In
the
course
of
this
work,
this
archaeological
labor,
the
sherd
is
displaced
and
modified
(Webmoor
2007;
Witmore
2004).
If,
therefore,
there
can
be
no
translation
without
transformation
then
the
old
correspondence
model
of
truth
must
be
jettisoned.
With
the
correspondence
model
of
truth,
the
philosophy
of
language
postulated
that
the
gap
between
two
distinct
spheres—language
and
the
world—was
bridged
by
a
reference
that
resembles
the
thing
verified
(James
[1907]
1975;
Latour
1999).8
Accuracy
rested
on
a
fidelity
to
the
things
shown
as
faithful
copies
(Harman
2009)
and,
in
this,
progress
in
knowledge
came
about
through
refining
this
fidelity
(consider
Richard
Rorty’s
[1979]
felicitous
polishing
of
the
mirror
of
reality—a
goal
still
held
in
the
back
corridors
of
some
archaeology
centers,
institutes
and
anthropology
departments).
Rooted
in
an
over-‐simplified
understanding
of
the
relationship
between
the
world
and
words,
facts
and
interpretation,
data
and
theory,
this
image
of
accuracy
has
not
grappled
with
the
complex,
non-‐linear,
careful,
exhaustive,
protracted,
messy,
iterative
process
by
which
archaeologists
build
an
accurate
portrayal
of
the
material
world
(Witmore
2004).
Accuracy,
of
course,
rests
on
how
words,
texts,
maps,
or
photographs
correspond
to
an
original
situation,
but
it
is
also
rooted
in
the
iterative
potential
for
revisiting
the
series
of
steps
between
the
material
world
and
those
words,
that
text,
that
map,
that
photograph
(Latour
1999;
in
archaeology
see:
Webmoor
2007;
Witmore
2009).
In
other
words,
the
trials
and
tribulations
that
rest
behind
any
final
publication
of
archaeological
materials
unfold
across
many
steps;
steps
which
bridge
many
small
gaps—there
is
no
single
chasm
between
words
and
the
world.
Gaps
between
entities
are
legion,
as
Bruno
Latour
(1999)
emphasizes,
and
translation,
the
negotiation
of
these
8
For
more
here
see:
http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/truth-‐correspondence/
Witmore
::
page
18
of
31
gaps,
is
omnipresent
(Harman
2009,
73-‐79).
Any
commitment
to
accuracy,
any
obligation
to
a
faithful
portrayal,
any
measure
of
adequacy
with
respect
to
the
things
manifest
demands
full
disclosure
of
every
step
along
the
path
of
taken
to
generate
a
statement,
a
notebook
entry,
a
report,
a
final
publication
about
the
material
entities
that
co-‐emerge
through
these
very
archaeological
interventions.
Equally,
a
duty
to
accuracy
on
the
part
of
subsequent
researchers
must
both
translate
into
a
spirit
of
caution
(not
quite
the
steadfast
skepticism
and
distrust
characteristic
of
the
ordinary
empiricism)
with
respect
to
the
adequacy
of
the
claims
made
and,
occasionally,
reiterative
action
through
retracing
the
paths
taken.9
Such
loyalties
situate
archaeology
within
a
continual
‘tuning
process’,
to
borrow
from
Andrew
Pickering
(1995).
And
the
burden
of
proof
demands
we
open
up
every
step
of
this
process
to
the
possibility
of
public
scrutiny
(cf.
Hodder
1999).
‘Co-‐emergence’
is
a
key
principle
for
the
second-‐empiricism.
Contrary
to
the
notion
that
data
exist
as
enduring
nuggets
of
reality
that
persist
in
spite
of
all
the
escapades
around
them;
contrary
to
the
presumption
that
data
may
be
transmitted
in
an
absolutely
pristine
state
from
one
site
to
the
next,
all
actors
are
impacted
and
perturbed
by
others.
All
actors
swap
properties
and
are
modified
in
the
course
of
their
transactions
(such
are
basic
tenants
of
process-‐relational
approaches,
including
Actor-‐ Network-‐Theory;
see
Law
2008).
Stated
differently,
for
a
‘series
of
stone-‐lined
pits’
to
come
into
being
at
the
site
of
Binchester
a
whole
host
of
entities—WHS
trowels,
undergraduate
students,
bits
of
stone
and
rubble,
sediments,
unit
supervisors
and
so
forth—must
lend
their
action
over
the
course
of
a
few
days
of
excavation
in
July
of
2010.
Anything
and
everything
can
be
a
mediator
and
all
these
mediators
are
transformed
in
the
course
of
this
action:
trowels
are
further
worn;
undergraduate
students
become
more
adept
at
recognizing
subtle
differences
in
soil
consistency,
9
Michael
Shanks
makes
a
distinction
between
scholasticism
and
criticism,
which
is
relevant
here.
The
former,
scholasticism,
involves
redundant
citation
and
argument
within
the
elaboration
of
thoroughly
accepted,
and
hence
canonical,
matters
of
concern;
the
latter,
criticism,
is
an
“attitude
of
healthy
skepticism
and
suspicion”
set
within
the
moving
project
of
knowledge
(Shanks
1996,
118).
Witmore
::
page
19
of
31
compaction
and
color;
bits
of
stone
and
rubble
are
further
freed
of
encasing
soil
and
thus
defined
as
subsets
of
larger
features;
sediments
are
displaced
to
rubbish
piles;
unit
supervisors
gain
more
confidence
in
their
understanding
a
context,
feature,
a
site.
Within
this
community
of
practice,
all
co-‐emerge.
Indeed,
features
similar
to
what
are
now
taken
to
be
‘stone-‐lined
pits’
had
been
recorded
as
rubble/slumping
paving
in
the
course
of
earlier
excavations
on
the
site
(Peter
Carne,
personal
communication).10
So,
to
sum
up,
data
are
neither
invented,
because
their
reality
plays
a
role
in
their
formation,
nor
discovered,
because
they
are
altered
in
significant
ways
by
archaeological
scrutiny.
Data
are
not
only
starting
points,
they
are
also
achievements.
Data
are
artifacts
(note
may
be
taken
of
the
spin
on
Clarke’s
point
that
“artifacts
are
the
archaeologist’s
main
data”
[1978,
13];
also
see
Stengers
2010).
And
accuracy
rests
upon
the
traceability
of
those
achievements
to
an
original
situation,
a
situation
that
always
begins
in
medias
res.
From
this
vantage
point,
none
of
our
forays
as
archaeologists
have
dug
deep
enough
to
the
bedrock
of
‘fundamental
entities’
(Clarke
1978;
also
Shennan
2004),
as
they
have
all
left
in
place
a
single
natural
unity
across
which
dance
rich
multiplicities
of
interpretation,
meaning,
significance
and
belief.
‘Differing
views’
could
be
taken
of
the
‘same
facts’
as
Clarke
put
it
(1978,
19).
Succinctly,
our
pluralism
is
one-‐sided
in
its
concerns
for
social
or
exclusively
human-‐oriented
groups.
With
the
turn
away
from
matters
of
fact
in
recent
years,
we
have
become
adept
at
detecting
and
incorporating
the
relevant
parties.
Of
course,
many
archaeologists
recognize
the
vast
difference
between
made
and
made
up,
constructed
and
‘socially’
constructed
(see
Alison
Wylie’s
discussion
of
a
‘mitigated
objectivism,’
2002,
161-‐178).
Facts
must
be
both
fabricated
and
real
at
the
same
time
(Latour
1999,
127).
But
in
this
we
have
emphasized
a
rich
10
For
some
readers,
the
specter
of
relativism
will
creep
in,
but
this
is
only
because
many
quickly
disassociate
relativism
from
realism.
The
relativism
of
the
second
empiricism
is
not
some
trite
embrace
of
the
tired
and
misguided
belief
in
anything
goes,
there
are
still
better
and
worst
translations
of
the
material
past.
More
will
be
said
on
this
point
shortly.
Witmore
::
page
20
of
31
multiplicity
of
‘human
subjectivity’
dancing
on
top
of
solid
matter
as
discrete
entities;
solid
matter
represented
nonetheless,
as
data
built
upon
indisputable
matters
of
fact.
Full
stop.
From
an
ordinary
empiricism
to
empiricism
2.0
I
must
caution
you
that
empiricism
2.0
looks
very
little
like
that
of
its
ordinary
predecessor.
The
tendency
of
deciding
in
advance
what
part
the
materials
deemed
to
be
of
the
past
should
play
was
one
of
the
fallacies
of
the
ordinary
or
first
empiricism,
because
the
material
world
was
reduced
to
facts.
And
while
the
first
empiricism
should
be
familiar
to
any
archaeologist,
there
are
other
legacies,
which
are
recurrent:
the
persistent
delusion
that
we
begin
with
the
past
that
is
separate
from
the
present,
the
dream
of
transferable
methodological
standards
from
nowhere,
and
a
common
ontology
of
substance
that
results
in
enduring
objects.
I
will
now
sum
up
the
difference
between
the
first
and
second
empiricism
with
a
closer
look
at
these
three
points
of
discrepancy.
First,
rather
than
assume
the
past
to
be
demarcated
and
distinct,
we
may
now
regard
those
things
that
hold
something
of
the
past
as
coextensive
and
involved.
From
this
angle,
we
move
from
time
as
successive
to
time
as
simultaneous.
With
the
latter
any
given
‘material
past’
becomes
an
active
participant,
a
mediator
within
current
and/or
past
states
of
affairs.
Consider
a
brief
example
related
to
the
Larissa
above
Argos,
Greece.
In
the
winter
of
1822,
a
force
of
volunteers
would
defend
the
Larissa
against
ten
thousand
troops
under
Dramali
(Finlay
1877,
291).
Until
this
ragtag
bunch
had
franticly
rushed
up
the
hill
from
the
town
below,
the
old
castle
of
Argos
was
regarded
as
but
a
ruin
(Gell
1810;
Leake
1830).
However,
in
this
course
of
the
mêlée
the
former
ruin
took
on
new
characteristics,
it
acquired
new
properties
and
in
the
most
desperate
hours
the
outcomes
of
Ancient
Greek,
Frankish,
Venetian,
and
Turkish
achievements
as
bastions,
towers
and
an
inner
and
outer
enceinte
(along
with
a
few
hundred
reinforcements
from
Witmore
::
page
21
of
31
Lerna
under
Ypsilantis
himself,
black
powder
rifles,
and
horses)
would
lend
their
aid.
Such
polychronic
exchanges
between
the
castle
and,
for
example,
the
Argives
and
the
Frankish
overload
Villehardouin,
the
Venetians
and
the
Ottoman
Turks,
Bertoldo
d’Este
and
the
Pasha
of
the
Morea,
the
Ottoman
Turks
relieved
by
the
Seraskier
and
the
Venetians
under
Morosini,
or,
once
again,
the
Venetians
and
the
Ottoman
Turks
(refer
to
Andrews
2006)
speaks
to
the
coextensive
nature
of
the
past.
And
in
these
exchanges
1212,
1397,
1463,
1686
or
1715
are
but
coordinates
for
much
more
complex
temporal
folding,
for
much
more
intense
episodes
of
turbulence
spawned
by
heterogeneous,
polychronic
transactions.
Second,
rather
than
argue
for
transferrable
methodological
bases
that
operate
irrespective
of
locality,
we
now
recognize
how
local
idiosyncrasies
mediate
methodological
outcomes.
Consider
the
question
of
scale
in
regional
survey.
This
question
has
received
a
good
deal
of
attention
in
recent
years
largely
due
to
a
persistent
cadre
of
Mesoamericanist
Archaeologists,
including
Richard
Blanton,
Steve
Kowalewski,
and
Gary
Feinman,
who
argue
that
myopic
Mediterranean
survey
archaeologists
should
be
operating
at
larger
scales
with
100%
sampling
and
contiguous
coverage
in
order
to
due
justice
to
the
regional
scales
at
which
past
societies
operated
(for
example,
Blanton
2001;
Blanton
et
al.
1996).
These
archaeologists,
however,
consider
scale
in
terms
of
size
and
zoom
within
perspective
space:
i.e.
“putting
things
into
a
frame”
(Latour
2005,
186)
through
the
measurement
of
blocks
of
area—the
bigger,
the
better.
This
is
the
mapmaker’s
space;
a
perspective
space
that
unfolds
at
a
distance
of
less
than
a
meter
from
a
map
on
a
computer
screen.
Other
spaces,
other
understandings
of
distance,
however,
arise
at
the
nexus
of
different
relations
on
the
ground
(also
see
Ingold
2007):
in
the
course
of
a
farmer
moving
between
Halieis
and
his
plot
on
the
heights
above
Costa;
a
shepherd
urging
his
flocks
along
a
drove
road;
or
with
a
fisherman
between
the
limani
in
Vivari
and
the
shoals
off
the
south
side
of
Platia
Island.
None
of
these
movements
operate
free
of
the
circadian
rhythms
of
light
and
dark,
rain,
gale
force
winds,
or
a
Spartan
invasion.
Other
mediators,
any
entity,
can
potentially
impact
scale
and,
because
of
this,
any
frame
Witmore
::
page
22
of
31
derived
on
the
basis
of
best
practice
in
one
locale
abstracts
from
realities
on
the
ground
in
another.
Costa
is
immeasurably
farther
away
when
a
division
of
troops
is
camped
outside
the
city
walls
of
Halieis;
a
drove
road
sticks
to
the
uncultivated
heights
and
will
avoid
a
fresh
field
of
grain
at
all
costs,
or
at
least
this
is
the
case
in
daylight
hours;
Platia
Island
might
as
well
be
Crete
in
the
heights
of
a
stormy
winter.
For
the
second
empiricism,
‘a
view
from
nowhere’
(Nigel
1986)
cannot
be
imposed
arbitrarily—what
constitutes
a
region
has
to
be
made,
this
cannot
be
settled
in
advance.
But
note
also,
that
if
transferable,
universal
standards
are
out
as
to
the
proper
scale
of
survey,
so
too
is
it
difficult
to
establish
a
detached
notion
of
adequacy
with
respect
to
good
work.
Judging
better
and
worst
translations
was
a
simpler
affair
with
the
former
empiricism
because
it
put
so
much
labor
into
staffing
the
field
of
archaeological
knowledge
production
with
common
umpires.
Whether
you
were
in
Girikihaciyan,
Turkey,
Hatchery
West,
USA
or
Teotihuacan,
Mexico
didn’t
matter
because
adequacy
was
judged
with
respect
to
transferable
standards
of
‘data’
collection,
explanation
and
publication.
Such
criteria,
however,
are
neither
self-‐evident
nor
indisputable;
they
too
are
local
achievements,
they
too
need
to
be
explained,
and
they
too
should
be
situated
as
tentative
outcomes
open
to
constant
reevaluation
with
respect
to
the
questions
being
asked;
questions
which,
as
we
have
seen,
result
from
a
long
chain
of
scholarship.
The
second
empiricism
doesn’t
appeal
to
arbitrary
universal
officialdom.
As
Isabelle
Stengers
puts
it:
“a
claim
should
be
related
to
the
demands
it
has
to
fulfill”
(2008,
92;
also
James
[1907]
1975).
Considerations
regarding
the
adequacy
of
our
work
can
no
longer
be
severed
from
the
conditions
under
which
that
labor
was
deployed;
adequacy
must
be
related
to
the
questions
that
practitioners
are
trying
to
answer.
Good
work
is
a
localized,
risky,
and
humble
affair
and
can
now
only
be
considered
in
light
of
the
constraints
under
which
it
was
mobilized.
Third,
rather
than
endow
those
“things
of
the
past”
with
a
determinative
specificity
that
renders
subsequent
actor-‐relations
as
purely
derivative,
things
are
now
deployed
in
the
plural,
as
matters
of
concern,
rather
than
matters
of
fact
(after
Latour
2003,
2004
and
2005).
By
matters
of
concern
I
am
referring
to
those
common
Witmore
::
page
23
of
31
obligations,
cares,
and
worries—those
things
that
are
lures
for
common
feeling.
Consider
another
example,
the
small
church
of
Agiannis
(Saint
John)
in
Lefkakia,
near
Nafplion,
Greece
(Figure
4).
Set
at
the
northern
edge
of
a
low
hill
is
a
small
church
built
in
the
midst
of
a
square
structure
of
carefully
fitted
polygonal
masonry.
The
Orthodox
Church,
which
enjoys
local
renown
for
its
window—a
journey
through
this
is
held
to
be
miraculous
for
sick
children
(Sarantakis
2007)—is
but
a
few
hundred
years
in
age;
a
mere
drop
in
the
temporal
bucket
when
compared
with
its
stone
superstructure,
a
former
4th-‐century
tower,
perhaps
associated
with
the
defenses
of
Asine.
Both
the
exterior
and
interior
portions
of
polygonal
masonry
are
whitewashed;
the
interior
is
thickly
coated
in
wall
plaster.
If
these
polygonal
walls
are
static,
stubborn,
impassive
objects
across
which
historical
events
have
swept
then
their
incorporation
into
the
fabric
of
the
church
of
Agiannis,
the
iterative
coats
of
whitewash
or
plaster,
would
be
but
derivative.
What
is
a
former
tower
for
some
is
a
matter
of
contention
for
others.
A
portion
of
the
church
of
Agiannis,
a
plastered
interior
edifice,
a
tower
associated
with
the
defenses
of
ancient
Asine:
these
polygonal
walls
are
all
these
things;
which
occasion
we
encounter
is
a
matter
of
orientation,
gathering
and
on-‐going
figuration.
In
this
way,
the
arbitrary
separation
of
statics
and
dynamics
with
respect
to
an
archaeological
record
(Binford
1981;
Binford
[1983]
2002;
Lucas
2001)
proves
to
be
just
as
unjust
to
experience
as
the
assumption
of
durable
substance
and
transient
relations.
Everything
is
dynamic
and
in
this
way
the
polygonal
limestone
superstructure
of
Agiannis
is
not
so
much
a
substance
as
it
is
a
performance
(Harman
2009,
44),
an
ongoing
series
of
events.
Conclusion
As
archaeologists,
it
is
not
a
requisite
task
of
the
second
empiricism
to
tackle
these
difficult
metaphysical
questions,
as
archaeologists
we
only
have
to
be
open
to
other
associations
that
things
might
be
implicated
in.
And
empirical
adequacy
demands
that
we
do
not
decide
in
advance
what
part
the
past
should
play
in
the
world.
As
science
Witmore
::
page
24
of
31
studies
has
shown,
reality
doesn’t
take
a
holiday
from
the
interactions
of
archaeologists,
institutions
and
ideas;
what
we
have
called
discourse
(Shanks
1995).
Our
work
is
part
of
our
experience
and
we
practitioners
are
in
the
same
boat
as
the
entities
we
seek
to
understand.
Ultimately,
it
is
not
so
difficult
to
recognize
the
differences
between
the
first
and
second
empiricism.
Two
domains
in
a
bifurcated
world
are
jettisoned
in
favor
of
legions
of
mediators
who
are
continually
modified
through
their
alliances
and
associations.
No
longer
faithful
copies
of
the
material
world,
data
become
translations
that
are
simultaneously
real
and
artificial.
Transferable
notions
of
what
we
deem
methodologically
adequate
are
placed
to
one
side
in
favor
of
a
situated
understanding
of
adequacy
with
respect
to
good
work.
Indisputability
of
the
real
as
matters
of
fact
gives
way
to
cautious
negotiations
around
matters
of
concern—realities
in
the
plural.
The
outlines
of
a
second
empiricism
are
far
from
fully
sketched.
However,
with
the
second
empiricism
the
world
becomes
a
much
more
interesting
place
and
archaeology
has
everything
to
gain.
The
key
point
of
the
second
empiricism
is
that
in
order
to
be
faithful
to
experience
one
must
go
forward
into
the
world
and
not
pretend
to
separate
what
we
know
from
how
we
know.
Acknowledgements
This
essay
has
benefited
from
conversations
with
several
colleagues
and
graduate
students
who
worked
with
me
in
Greece
including
John
Cherry,
Elissa
Faro,
Georgia
Ivou,
Alex
Knodell,
Thomas
Leppard,
Bradley
Sekedat,
and
Zoe
Zgouleta.
I
am
grateful
to
Benjamin
Alberti,
Gavin
Lucas,
Timothy
Webmoor,
and
Joseph
Zehner
for
commenting
on
various
iterations
of
this
essay.
I
thank
Peter
Carne
for
information
pertaining
to
Binchester
as
well
as
Zoe
Zgouleta
and
Georgia
Ivou
for
details
concerning
examples
from
the
Argolid,
Greece.
I
am
especially
grateful
to
the
conference
participants
for
their
insights
into
an
earlier
version
of
this
essay,
which
was
presented
at
the
workshop
in
Uppsala.
Witmore
::
page
25
of
31
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